Questões de Inglês - FUVEST 2001 | Gabarito e resoluções

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) Working women in Japan are more likely to be married than not these days, a sharp reversal of the tradi-tional pattern. But for most of them, continuing to work after the wed-ding is an easier choice than having children. Despite some tentative attempts by government and business to make the working world and parenthood compatible, mothers say Japans business culture remains unfriendly to them. Business meetings often begin at 6 p.m. or later, long hours of unpaid overtime are expected, and companies routinely transfer employees to different cities for years. As a result, many women are choosing work over babies, causing the Japanese birthrate to fall to a record low in 1999----- an average 1.34 babies per woman----- an added woe for this aging nation. THE WASHINGTON POST NATIONAL WEEKLY EDITION August 21, 2000 According to the passage, the majority of working women in Japan

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) Working women in Japan are more likely to be married than not these days, a sharp reversal of the tradi-tional pattern. But for most of them, continuing to work after the wed-ding is an easier choice than having children. Despite some tentative attempts by government and business to make the working world and parenthood compatible, mothers say Japans business culture remains unfriendly to them. Business meetings often begin at 6 p.m. or later, long hours of unpaid overtime are expected, and companies routinely transfer employees to different cities for years. As a result, many women are choosing work over babies, causing the Japanese birthrate to fall to a record low in 1999----- an average 1.34 babies per woman----- an added woe for this aging nation. THE WASHINGTON POST NATIONAL WEEKLY EDITION August 21, 2000 attempts (...) to make the working world and parenthood compatible (lines 2-3) means that

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) Working women in Japan are more likely to be married than not these days, a sharp reversal of the tradi-tional pattern. But for most of them, continuing to work after the wed-ding is an easier choice than having children. Despite some tentative attempts by government and business to make the working world and parenthood compatible, mothers say Japans business culture remains unfriendly to them. Business meetings often begin at 6 p.m. or later, long hours of unpaid overtime are expected, and companies routinely transfer employees to different cities for years. As a result, many women are choosing work over babies, causing the Japanese birthrate to fall to a record low in 1999----- an average 1.34 babies per woman----- an added woe for this aging nation. THE WASHINGTON POST NATIONAL WEEKLY EDITION August 21, 2000 Which of these statements is true according to the passage?

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST, JULY 1ST 2000. According to the passage,

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST, JULY 1ST 2000 Choose the correct active voice form for ....fields where they are being tested experimentally

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST JULY 1ST 2000 The passage tells us that GM crops

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST JULY 1ST 2000 Which of these statements is true according to the passage?

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST JULY 1ST 2000 According to the passage, the term GM crop

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST JULY 1ST 2000 The passage tells us that

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) It is a nice irony, given that scientific genetics started with the manipulation of a crop plant, the pea, that the most vehement public opposition to it in recent years has come from those who object to the genetic manipulation of crops. At the moment, so-called genetically modified (GM) crops are in disgrace. Consumers, particularly in Europe, are wary of buying food that may contain them. Environmental activists are ripping up fields where they are being tested experimentally. And companies that design them are selling off their GM subsidiaries, or even themselves, to anyone willing to take on the risk. Yet the chances are that this is just a passing fad. No trial has shown a health risk from a commercially approved GM crop (or, more correctly, a transgenic crop, as all crop plants have been genetically modified by selective breeding since time immemorial). And while the environmental risks, such as cross-pollination with wild species and the promotion of insecticide-resistant strains of pest, look more plausible, they also look no worse than the sorts of environmental havoc wreaked by more traditional sorts of agriculture. THE ECONOMIST JULY 1ST 2000 According to the passage, more traditional sorts of agriculture

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) MICHAEL D. COES Breaking the Maya Code. Revised paperback edition. First published 1992. Thames Hudson, New York, 1999 ($18.95). The decipherment of the Maya script was, Coe states, one of the most exciting intellectual adventures of our age, on a par with the exploration of space and the discovery of the genetic code. He presents the story eloquently and in detail, with many illustrations of the mysterious Maya inscriptions and the people who tried to decipher them. Most of the credit, he says, goes to the late Yuri V. Knorosov of the Russian Institute of Ethnography, but many others participated. They did not always agree, and some of them went up blind alleys. Coe----- emeritus professor of anthropology at Yale University----- vividly describes the battles, missteps and successes. What is now established, he writes, is that the Maya writing system is a mix of logograms and syllabic signs; with the latter, they could and often did write words purely phonetically. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN APRIL 2000 The passage tells us that Michael D. Coe

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) MICHAEL D. COES Breaking the Maya Code. Revised paperback edition. First published 1992. Thames Hudson, New York, 1999 ($18.95). The decipherment of the Maya script was, Coe states, one of the most exciting intellectual adventures of our age, on a par with the exploration of space and the discovery of the genetic code. He presents the story eloquently and in detail, with many illustrations of the mysterious Maya inscriptions and the people who tried to decipher them. Most of the credit, he says, goes to the late Yuri V. Knorosov of the Russian Institute of Ethnography, but many others participated. They did not always agree, and some of them went up blind alleys. Coe----- emeritus professor of anthropology at Yale University----- vividly describes the battles, missteps and successes. What is now established, he writes, is that the Maya writing system is a mix of logograms and syllabic signs; with the latter, they could and often did write words purely phonetically. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN APRIL 2000 In the passage, some of them went up blind alleysmeans that some scientists engaged in the decipherment of the Maya script

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) MICHAEL D. COES Breaking the Maya Code. Revised paperback edition. First published 1992. Thames Hudson, New York, 1999 ($18.95). The decipherment of the Maya script was, Coe states, one of the most exciting intellectual adventures of our age, on a par with the exploration of space and the discovery of the genetic code. He presents the story eloquently and in detail, with many illustrations of the mysterious Maya inscriptions and the people who tried to decipher them. Most of the credit, he says, goes to the late Yuri V. Knorosov of the Russian Institute of Ethnography, but many others participated. They did not always agree, and some of them went up blind alleys. Coe----- emeritus professor of anthropology at Yale University----- vividly describes the battles, missteps and successes. What is now established, he writes, is that the Maya writing system is a mix of logograms and syllabic signs; with the latter, they could and often did write words purely phonetically. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN APRIL 2000 According to the passage, Michael D. Coes book

(FUVEST - 2001 - 1a fase) MICHAEL D. COES Breaking the Maya Code. Revised paperback edition. First published 1992. Thames Hudson, New York, 1999 ($18.95). The decipherment of the Maya script was, Coe states, one of the most exciting intellectual adventures of our age, on a par with the exploration of space and the discovery of the genetic code. He presents the story eloquently and in detail, with many illustrations of the mysterious Maya inscriptions and the people who tried to decipher them. Most of the credit, he says, goes to the late Yuri V. Knorosov of the Russian Institute of Ethnography, but many others participated. They did not always agree, and some of them went up blind alleys. Coe----- emeritus professor of anthropology at Yale University----- vividly describes the battles, missteps and successes. What is now established, he writes, is that the Maya writing system is a mix of logograms and syllabic signs; with the latter, they could and often did write words purely phonetically. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN APRIL 2000 Which of these statements is true according to the passage?