Questões de Inglês - UECE | Gabarito e resoluções

(UECE - 2022 - 2 FASE) Children set for more climate disasters than their grandparents, research shows People born today will suffer many times more extreme heatwaves and other climate disasters over their lifetimes than their grandparents, [05] research has shown. The study is the first to assess the contrasting experience of climate extremes by different age groups and starkly highlights the intergenerational [10] injustice posed by the climate crisis. The analysis showed that a child born in 2020 will endure an average of 30 extreme heatwaves in their lifetime, even if countries fulfil their current [15] pledges to cut future carbon emissions. That is seven times more heatwaves than someone born in 1960. Todays babies will also grow up to experience twice as many droughts and wildfires [20] and three times more river floods and crop failures than someone who is 60 years old today. However, rapidly cutting global emissions to keep global heating to [25] 1.5C would almost halve the heatwaves todays children will experience, while keeping under 2C would reduce the number by a quarter. A vital task of the UNs Cop26 [30] climate summit in Glasgow in November is to deliver pledges of bigger emissions cuts from the most polluting countries and climate justice will be an important element of the negotiations. Developing [35] countries, and the youth strike protesters who have taken to the streets around the world, point out that those who did least to cause the climate crisis are suffering the most. [40] Our results highlight a severe threat to the safety of young generations and call for drastic emission reductions to safeguard their future, said Prof Wim Thiery, at Vrije [45] Universiteit Brussel in Belgium and who led the research. He said people under 40 today were set to live unprecedented lives, ie suffering heatwaves, droughts, floods and crop [50] failures that would have been virtually impossible 0.01% chance without global heating Dr Katja Frieler, at the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research in [55] Germany and part of the study team, said: The good news is we can take much of the climate burden from our childrens shoulders if we limit warming to 1.5C by phasing out fossil fuel use. [60] This is a huge opportunity. Leo Hickman, editor of Carbon Brief, said: These new findings reinforce our 2019 analysis which showed that todays children will need [65] to emit eight times less CO2 over the course of their lifetime than their grandparents, if global warming is to be kept below 1.5C. Climate change is already exacerbating many injustices, [70] but the intergenerational injustice of climate change is particularly stark. The research, published in the journal Science, combined extreme event projections from sophisticated [75] computer climate models, detailed population and life expectancy data, and global temperature trajectories from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. [80] The scientists said the increases in climate impacts calculated for todays young people were likely to be underestimates, as multiple extremes within a year had to be grouped together and the greater intensity of [85] events was not accounted for. There was significant regional variation in the results. For example, the 53 million children born in Europe and central Asia between 2016 and [90] 2020 will experience about four times more extreme events in their lifetimes under current emissions pledges, but the 172 million children of the same age in sub-Saharan Africa face 5.7 times [95] more extreme events. This highlights a disproportionate climate change burden for young generations in the global south, the researchers said. [100] Dohyeon Kim, an activist from South Korea who took part in the global climate strike on Friday, said: Countries of the global north need to push governments to put justice and [105] equity at the heart of climate action, both in terms of climate [aid] and setting more ambitious pledges that take into consideration historical responsibilities. [110] The analysis found that only those aged under 40 years today will live to see the consequences of the choices made on emissions cuts. Those who are older will have died before the impacts [115] of those choices become apparent in the world. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/ 2021/sep/27/ In Those who are older will have died before the impact of those choices (lines 114-116), the verb tenses are

(UECE - 2019) T E X T How a Canadian Chain Is Reinventing Book Selling By Alexandra Alter About a decade ago, Heather Reisman, the chief executive of Canadas largest bookstore chain, was having tea with the novelist Margaret Atwood when Ms. Atwood inadvertently gave her an idea for a new product. Ms. Atwood announced that she planned to go home, put on a pair of cozy socks and curl up with a book. Ms. Reisman thought about how appealing that sounded. Not long after, her company, Indigo, developed its own brand of plush reading socks. They quickly became one of Indigos signature gift items. Last year, all my friends got reading socks, said Arianna Huffington, the HuffPost cofounder and a friend of Ms. Reismans, who also gave the socks as gifts to employees at her organization Thrive. Most people dont have reading socks not like Heathers reading socks. Over the last few years, Indigo has designed dozens of other products, including beach mats, scented candles, inspirational wall art, Mason jars, crystal pillars, bento lunchboxes, herb growing kits, copper cheese knife sets, stemless champagne flutes, throw pillows and scarves. It may seem strange for a bookstore chain to be developing and selling artisanal soup bowls and organic cotton baby onesies. But Indigos approach seems not only novel but crucial to its success and longevity. The superstore concept, with hulking retail spaces stocking 100,000 titles, has become increasingly hard to sustain in the era of online retail, when its impossible to match Amazons vast selection. Indigo is experimenting with a new model, positioning itself as a cultural department store where customers who wander in to browse through books often end up lingering as they impulsively shop for cashmere slippers and crystal facial rollers, or a knife set to go with a new Paleo cookbook. Over the past few years, Ms. Reisman has reinvented Indigo as a Goop-like, curated lifestyle brand, with sections devoted to food, health and wellness, and home dcor. Ms. Reisman is now importing Indigos approach to the United States. Last year, Indigo opened its first American outpost, at a luxury mall in Millburn, N.J., and she eventually plans to open a cluster of Indigos in the Northeast. Indigos ascendance is all the more notable given the challenges that big bookstore chains have faced in the United States. Borders, which once had more than 650 locations, filed for bankruptcy in 2011. Barnes Noble now operates 627 stores, down from 720 in 2010, and the company put itself up for sale last year. Lately, it has been opening smaller stores, including an 8,300-square-foot outlet in Fairfax County, Va. Cross-merchandising is Retail 101, and its hard to do in a typical bookstore, said Peter Hildick-Smith, president of the Codex Group, which analyzes the book industry. Indigo found a way to create an extra aura around the bookbuying experience, by creating a physical extension of what youre reading about. The atmosphere is unabashedly intimate, cozy and feminine an aesthetic choice that also makes commercial sense, given that women account for some 60 percent of book buyers. A section called The Joy of the Table stocks Indigobrand ceramics, glassware and acacia wood serving platters with the cookbooks. The home dcor section has pillows and throws, woven baskets, vases and scented candles. Theres a subsection called In Her Words, which features idea-driven books and memoirs by women. An area labeled A Room of Her Own looks like a lushdressing room, with vegan leather purses, soft gray shawls, a velvet chair, scarves and journals alongside art, design and fashion books. Books still account for just over 50 percent of Indigos sales and remain the central draw; the New Jersey store stocks around 55,000 titles. But they also serve another purpose: providing a window into consumers interests, hobbies, desires and anxieties, which makes it easier to develop and sell related products. Publishing executives, who have watched with growing alarm as Barnes Noble has struggled, have responded enthusiastically to Ms. Reismans strategy. Heather pioneered and perfected the art of integrating books and nonbook products, Markus Dohle, the chief executive of Penguin Random House, said in an email. Ms. Reisman has made herself and her own tastes and interests central to the brand. The front of the New Jersey store features a section labeled Heathers Picks, with a display table covered with dozens of titles. A sign identifies her as the chains founder, C.E.O., Chief Booklover and the Heather in Heathers Picks. She appears regularly at author signings and store events, and has interviewed prominent authors like Malcolm Gladwell, James Comey, Sally Field, Bill Clinton and Nora Ephron. When Ms. Reisman opened the first Indigo store in Burlington, Ontario, in 1997, she had already run her own consulting firm and later served as president of a soft drink and beverage company, Cott. Still, bookselling is an idiosyncratic industry, and many questioned whether Indigo could compete with Canadas biggest bookseller, Chapters. Skepticism dissolved a few years later when Indigo merged with Chapters, inheriting its fleet of national stores. The company now has more than 200 outlets across Canada, including 89 superstores. Indigo opened its first revamped concept store in 2016. The new approach has proved lucrative: In its 2017 fiscal year, the companys revenue exceeded $1 billion Canadian for the first time. In its 2018 fiscal year, Indigo reported a revenue increase of nearly $60 million Canadian over the previous year, making it the most profitable year in the chains history. The companys dominance in Canada doesnt guarantee it will thrive in the United States, where it has to compete not only with Amazon and Barnes Noble, but with a resurgent wave of independent booksellers. After years of decline, independent stores have rebounded, with some 2,470 locations, up from 1,651 a decade ago, according to the American Booksellers Association. And Amazon has expanded into the physical retail market, with around 20 bookstores across the United States. Ms. Reisman acknowledges that the company faces challenges as it expands southward. Still, shes optimistic, and is already scouting locations for a second store near New York. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/01 According to the text, the response of publishing executives to Ms. Reismans strategy of integrating book and non-book products has been

(UECE - 2018) Pope Francis disappoints Rohingya by failing to condemn persecution [1] As the crowds trickled out of theYangon sports ground where Pope Francis delivered his first public mass before tens ofthousands of people, Khin Maung Myint, a[5]Rohingya activist, sat on the sidelines. Hewas disappointed. Not in Francis, but in theadvisers who appear to have dissuaded thepontiff from bringing up the plight of theRohingya people. Rohingya are not the[10]ones who lost their dignity, but the peoplewho silence the popes expression, he said.Those who pushed the pope not to use theword Rohingya, they are the ones who losttheir dignity. [15] Francis is nearing the end of afour-day visit to Myanmar, previouslyknown as Burma, in which he has notpublicly spoken about the persecutedMuslim minority, more than 620,000 of[20] whom have fled to Bangladesh in recentmonths, escaping what western leaders arecalling ethnic cleansing. Among the guests in the VIPsection, where a gazebo provided protection[25]from the hot Myanmar sun, was Aye NeWin, the grandson of the countrys firstdictator who attracted public derisionrecently after he dressed up as the pope forHalloween. Beside him, in a black veil, sat a[30]beauty queen who has described theRohingya in a YouTube video as harbingersof terror and violence. In his homily on Wednesday, thepope talked about the need for forgiveness[35]and ignoring the desire for revenge, butdeclined to reference violence meted outagainst the Rohingya, a campaign allegedlymarked by gang-rape, massacres andarson. We think that healing can come[40]from anger or revenge, Francis said,speaking of the many wounded people inMyanmar. Yet the way of revenge is notthe way of Jesus, he said. It was hissecond public address in Myanmar, coming[45]after he shared a stage with the statecounsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi, on Tuesday,telling an audience of diplomats andjournalists that all of Myanmars religiousand minority ethnic groups none[50]excluded should be respected. Both speeches have fallen short ofwhat many expected from the pope, whoseadvocacy for refugees has been abenchmark of his papacy. He has previously[55]referred to our Rohingya brothers andsisters. At a press conference in Yangon onWednesday night, papal spokesman GregBurke said the moral authority of the Popestill stands. You can criticize what is said[60]or not said but the Pope is not going to loseany moral authority on this question here,he said. The Rohingya have suffereddecades of persecution in Myanmar, where[65]their freedoms have been slowly eroded andtens of thousands are confined tointernment camps. They are widely deemedillegal immigrants from Bangladesh andlabelled Bengalis. For years the[70]international community has towed thegovernment of Myanmars line, refusing tosay Rohingya for fear of doing harm, saidDavid Baulk, a Myanmar researcher forFortify Rights. There should be nothing[75]controversial about the pope identifyingpeople by the name they want. Whether or not the pope shouldaddress the crisis has been a matter ofdebate within the Vatican since the visit was[80]announced, according to a source familiarwith discussions. There are probably a mixof voices in the Vatican, they said. Thosewho are old school diplomats for whomcaution is always their watchword and[85]others who are a bit more bold. The most vocal was until recentlyCharles Maung Bo, Myanmars first cardinal,a powerful orator who has fiercely defendedthe Rohingya and condemned merchants of[90]hatred in the form of Buddhistultranationalists who have sanctioned theviolence. Before this weeks visit he urgedthe pope not to use the word, though he[95]has made it clear he would have beenhappy with a compromise phrase, accordingto the source. I think one factor in this wasalmost certainly pressure from within thechurch on him because he has been so[100]outspoken until now and I think there wouldhave been an enormous amount of pressurefrom other bishops, the source said. Who are the Rohingya? At the press conference on [105]Wednesday night, the split between thebishops was apparent, with one sayingthere was a lack of reliable evidence ofatrocities and was not sure what was goingon because he had not seen it himself. [110]The silence is likely to appeasemany Catholics in the country who eithershare prejudices against the Rohingya orare afraid of a nationalist backlash againstthe 650,000-strong Catholic community in[115]Myanmar. Francis is scheduled to fly toDhaka in Bangladesh where he will meetRohingya refugees on Thursday. But forsome in Myanmar, the leader of the church[120]has a moral obligation not to leave thecountry without commenting on its mostpressing crisis. After the mass, Father Thomas, aYangon priest, said he hoped the pope[125]brought the matter up in closed-doormeetings this week with the army chief, MinAung Hlaing, and Aung San Suu Kyi. This is the main issue in Burma,he said. www.theguardian.com/nov.27.2017 The underlined verbs in ...previouslyknownas Burma (lines 16-17) and ...had notseenit himself... (line 109) are respectively in the

(UECE - 2018) Pope Francis disappoints Rohingya by failing to condemn persecution [1] As the crowds trickled out of theYangon sports ground where Pope Francis delivered his first public mass before tens ofthousands of people, Khin Maung Myint, a[5]Rohingya activist, sat on the sidelines. Hewas disappointed. Not in Francis, but in theadvisers who appear to have dissuaded thepontiff from bringing up the plight of theRohingya people. Rohingya are not the[10]ones who lost their dignity, but the peoplewho silence the popes expression, he said.Those who pushed the pope not to use theword Rohingya, they are the ones who losttheir dignity. [15] Francis is nearing the end of afour-day visit to Myanmar, previouslyknown as Burma, in which he has notpublicly spoken about the persecutedMuslim minority, more than 620,000 of[20] whom have fled to Bangladesh in recentmonths, escaping what western leaders arecalling ethnic cleansing. Among the guests in the VIPsection, where a gazebo provided protection[25]from the hot Myanmar sun, was Aye NeWin, the grandson of the countrys firstdictator who attracted public derisionrecently after he dressed up as the pope forHalloween. Beside him, in a black veil, sat a[30]beauty queen who has described theRohingya in a YouTube video as harbingersof terror and violence. In his homily on Wednesday, thepope talked about the need for forgiveness[35]and ignoring the desire for revenge, butdeclined to reference violence meted outagainst the Rohingya, a campaign allegedlymarked by gang-rape, massacres andarson. We think that healing can come[40]from anger or revenge, Francis said,speaking of the many wounded people inMyanmar. Yet the way of revenge is notthe way of Jesus, he said. It was hissecond public address in Myanmar, coming[45]after he shared a stage with the statecounsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi, on Tuesday,telling an audience of diplomats andjournalists that all of Myanmars religiousand minority ethnic groups none[50]excluded should be respected. Both speeches have fallen short ofwhat many expected from the pope, whoseadvocacy for refugees has been abenchmark of his papacy. He has previously[55]referred to our Rohingya brothers andsisters. At a press conference in Yangon onWednesday night, papal spokesman GregBurke said the moral authority of the Popestill stands. You can criticize what is said[60]or not said but the Pope is not going to loseany moral authority on this question here,he said. The Rohingya have suffereddecades of persecution in Myanmar, where[65]their freedoms have been slowly eroded andtens of thousands are confined tointernment camps. They are widely deemedillegal immigrants from Bangladesh andlabelled Bengalis. For years the[70]international community has towed thegovernment of Myanmars line, refusing tosay Rohingya for fear of doing harm, saidDavid Baulk, a Myanmar researcher forFortify Rights. There should be nothing[75]controversial about the pope identifyingpeople by the name they want. Whether or not the pope shouldaddress the crisis has been a matter ofdebate within the Vatican since the visit was[80]announced, according to a source familiarwith discussions. There are probably a mixof voices in the Vatican, they said. Thosewho are old school diplomats for whomcaution is always their watchword and[85]others who are a bit more bold. The most vocal was until recentlyCharles Maung Bo, Myanmars first cardinal,a powerful orator who has fiercely defendedthe Rohingya and condemned merchants of[90]hatred in the form of Buddhistultranationalists who have sanctioned theviolence. Before this weeks visit he urgedthe pope not to use the word, though he[95]has made it clear he would have beenhappy with a compromise phrase, accordingto the source. I think one factor in this wasalmost certainly pressure from within thechurch on him because he has been so[100]outspoken until now and I think there wouldhave been an enormous amount of pressurefrom other bishops, the source said. Who are the Rohingya? At the press conference on [105]Wednesday night, the split between thebishops was apparent, with one sayingthere was a lack of reliable evidence ofatrocities and was not sure what was goingon because he had not seen it himself. [110]The silence is likely to appeasemany Catholics in the country who eithershare prejudices against the Rohingya orare afraid of a nationalist backlash againstthe 650,000-strong Catholic community in[115]Myanmar. Francis is scheduled to fly toDhaka in Bangladesh where he will meetRohingya refugees on Thursday. But forsome in Myanmar, the leader of the church[120]has a moral obligation not to leave thecountry without commenting on its mostpressing crisis. After the mass, Father Thomas, aYangon priest, said he hoped the pope[125]brought the matter up in closed-doormeetings this week with the army chief, MinAung Hlaing, and Aung San Suu Kyi. This is the main issue in Burma,he said. www.theguardian.com/nov.27.2017 The tenses of the underlined verbs in ...hehasnot publiclyspokenabout the persecuted Muslim minority... (lines 17-19), ...whoattractedpublic derision... (line 27), and ...where hewill meetRohingya refugees.. (lines 117-118) are respectively

(UECE - 2016/2) President Obamas Speech in Hiroshima, Japan [1]Seventy-one years ago, on a bright cloudless morning, death fell from the sky andthe world was changed. A flash of light and awall of fire destroyed a city and demonstrated[5]that mankind possessed the means to destroyitself. It is not the fact of war that setsHiroshima apart. Artifacts tell us that violentconflict appeared with the very first man. Our[10]early ancestors having learned to make bladesfrom flint and spears from wood used thesetools not just for hunting but against theirown kind. On every continent, the history ofcivilization is filled with war, whether driven[15]by scarcity of grain or hunger for gold, compelled by nationalist fervor or religious zeal.Empires have risen and fallen. Peoples havebeen subjugated and liberated. And at eachjuncture, innocents have suffered, a countless[20]toll, their names forgotten by time. The world war that reached its brutalend in Hiroshima and Nagasaki was foughtamong the wealthiest and most powerful ofnations. Their civilizations had given the world[25]great cities and magnificent art. Their thinkershad advanced ideas of justice and harmonyand truth. And yet the war grew out of thesame base instinct for domination or conquestthat had caused conflicts among the simplest[30]tribes, an old pattern amplified by newcapabilities and without new constraints. In the image of a mushroom cloud thatrose into these skies, we are most starkly reminded of humanitys core contradiction.[35]How the very spark that marks us as aspecies, our thoughts, our imagination, ourlanguage, our toolmaking, our ability to setourselves apart from nature and bend it to ourwill those very things also give us the[40]capacity for unmatched destruction. How often does material advancementor social innovation blind us to this truth? Howeasily we learn to justify violence in the nameof some higher cause. [45] Every great religion promises a pathwayto love and peace and righteousness, and yetno religion has been spared from believers who have claimed their faith as a license tokill. [50] Nations arise telling a story that bindspeople together in sacrifice and cooperation,allowing for remarkable feats. But those samestories have so often been used to oppressand dehumanize those who are different. [55]Science allows us to communicateacross the seas and fly above the clouds, tocure disease and understand the cosmos, butthose same discoveries can be turned intoever more efficient killing machines. [60]The wars of the modern age teach usthis truth. Hiroshima teaches this truth.Technological progress without an equivalentprogress in human institutions can doom us.The scientific revolution that led to the[65]splitting of an atom requires a moralrevolution as well. Mere words cannot give voice to suchsuffering. But we have a shared responsibilityto look directly into the eye of history and ask[70]what we must do differently to curb suchsuffering again. Since that fateful day, we have madechoices that give us hope. The United Statesand Japan have forged not only an alliance but[75]a friendship that has won far more for ourpeople than we could ever claim through war.The nations of Europe built a union thatreplaced battlefields with bonds of commerceand democracy. Oppressed people and nations[80]won liberation. An international communityestablished institutions and treaties that workto avoid war and aspire to restrict and rollback and ultimately eliminate the existence ofnuclear weapons. [85]Still, every act of aggression betweennations, every act of terror and corruption andcruelty and oppression that we see around theworld shows our work is never done. We maynot be able to eliminate mans capacity to do[90]evil, so nations and the alliances that we form must possess the means to defend ourselves. But among those nations like my own that hold nuclear stockpiles, we must have the courage to escape the logic of fear and pursue [95] a world without them. We may not realize this goal in my lifetime, but persistent effort can roll back the possibility of catastrophe. We can chart a course that leads to the destruction of these [100] stockpiles. We can stop the spread to new nations and secure deadly materials from fanatics. And yet that is not enough. For we see around the world today how even the crudest [105] rifles and barrel bombs can serve up violence on a terrible scale. We must change our mindset about war itself. To prevent conflict through diplomacy and strive to end conflicts after theyve begun. To see our growing [110] interdependence as a cause for peaceful cooperation and not violent competition. To define our nations not by our capacity to destroy but by what we build. And perhaps, above all, we must reimagine our connection [115] to one another as members of one human race. For this, too, is what makes our species unique. Were not bound by genetic code to repeat the mistakes of the past. We can learn. [120] We can choose. We can tell our children a different story, one that describes a common humanity, one that makes war less likely and cruelty less easily accepted. My own nations story began with [125] simple words: All men are created equal and endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Realizing that ideal has never been easy, even within our own [130] borders, even among our own citizens. But staying true to that story is worth the effort. It is an ideal to be strived for, an ideal that extends across continents and across oceans. The irreducible worth of every person, the [135] insistence that every life is precious, the radical and necessary notion that we are part of a single human family that is the story that we all must tell. Ordinary people understand this, I [140] think. They do not want more war. They would rather that the wonders of science be focused on improving life and not eliminating it. When the choices made by nations, when the choices made by leaders, reflect this [145] simple wisdom, then the lesson of Hiroshima is done. The world was forever changed here, but today the children of this city will go through their day in peace. What a precious [150] thing that is. It is worth protecting, and then extending to every child. That is a future we can choose, a future in which Hiroshima and Nagasaki are known not as the dawn of atomic warfare but as the start of our own [155] moral awakening. From: www.nytimes.com *os nmeros entre colchetes indicam os nmeros das linhas do texto original. The verb tenses in Their civilizations had given the world great cities (lines 24-25) and the war grew out of the same base instinct (lines 27- 28) are respectively

(UECE -2014) TEXT BRASLIA Brazils highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another Your Excellency, dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations. In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, aformer president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his capanga, a term describing a hired thug. In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high courts first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes contending that the mentality of judges was conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity. I have a temperament that doesnt adapt well to politics, Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. Its because I speak my mind so much. His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazils highest court and him in particular into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. The courts recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Braslias admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemispheres most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazils judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme. Ascending to Brazils high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer. But his prominence not just on the court, but in the streets as well is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next years elections. While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s repeatedly saying he will not run. Im not a candidate for anything, he says. But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazils legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazils large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations Mr. Barbosas trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Braslia, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Braslia, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil, Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the courts liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazils high court toward socially liberal rulings. Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazils public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalo, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. Last November, at Mr. Barbosas urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm. Now the mensalo trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of chicanery by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosas talking to a fellow justice like that. Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is? asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. What powers does he think he has just because hes sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal? Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. It was always like this, he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the courts proceedings are televised. Linking the courts work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were a sign of democracys exuberance. People dont want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition, he said. The sentence They are televising the courts proceedings in the passive becomes

(UECE -2014) TEXT BRASLIA Brazils highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another Your Excellency, dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations. In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, aformer president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his capanga, a term describing a hired thug. In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high courts first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes contending that the mentality of judges was conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity. I have a temperament that doesnt adapt well to politics, Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. Its because I speak my mind so much. His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazils highest court and him in particular into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. The courts recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Braslias admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemispheres most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazils judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme. Ascending to Brazils high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer. But his prominence not just on the court, but in the streets as well is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next years elections. While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s repeatedly saying he will not run. Im not a candidate for anything, he says. But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazils legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazils large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations Mr. Barbosas trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Braslia, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Braslia, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil, Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the courts liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazils high court toward socially liberal rulings. Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazils public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalo, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. Last November, at Mr. Barbosas urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm. Now the mensalo trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of chicanery by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosas talking to a fellow justice like that. Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is? asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. What powers does he think he has just because hes sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal? Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. It was always like this, he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the courts proceedings are televised. Linking the courts work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were a sign of democracys exuberance. People dont want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition, he said. In the sentences Mr. Barbosa took on the entire legal system, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been exasperated, the verbs are, respectively, in the

(UECE -2014) TEXT BRASLIA Brazils highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another Your Excellency, dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations. In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, aformer president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered his condescending tone, telling him he was not his capanga, a term describing a hired thug. In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high courts first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes contending that the mentality of judges was conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity. I have a temperament that doesnt adapt well to politics, Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. Its because I speak my mind so much. His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazils highest court and him in particular into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. The courts recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Braslias admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemispheres most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazils judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme. Ascending to Brazils high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer. But his prominence not just on the court, but in the streets as well is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next years elections. While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s repeatedly saying he will not run. Im not a candidate for anything, he says. But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazils legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazils large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations Mr. Barbosas trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Braslia, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Braslia, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil, Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the courts liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazils high court toward socially liberal rulings. Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazils public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalo, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. Last November, at Mr. Barbosas urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm. Now the mensalo trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of chicanery by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosas talking to a fellow justice like that. Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is? asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaper O Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. What powers does he think he has just because hes sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal? Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. It was always like this, he said, contending that arguments are now just easier to see because the courts proceedings are televised. Linking the courts work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were a sign of democracys exuberance. People dont want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition, he said. In the sentence A political system in which impunity in politics has been the norm, the verb phrase in the future perfect tense becomes

(UECE -2014) TEXT BRASLIA Brazils highest court has long viewed itself as a bastion of manners and formality. Justices call one another Your Excellency, dress in billowing robes and wrap each utterance in grandiloquence, as if little had changed from the era when marquises and dukes held sway from their vast plantations. In one televised feud, Mr. Barbosa questioned another justice about whether he would even be on the court had he not been appointed by his cousin, aformer president impeached in 1992. With another justice, Mr. Barbosa rebuked him over what the chief justice considered hiscondescendingtone, telling him he was not his capanga, a term describing a hired thug. In one of his most scathing comments, Mr. Barbosa, the high courts first and only black justice, took on the entire legal system of Brazil where it is still remarkably rare for politicians to ever spend time in prison, even after being convicted of crimes contending that the mentality of judges was conservative, pro-status-quo and pro-impunity. I have a temperament that doesnt adapt well to politics, Mr. Barbosa, 58, said in a recent interview in his quarters here in the Supreme Federal Tribunal, a modernist landmark designed by the architect Oscar Niemeyer. Its because I speak my mind so much. His acknowledged lack of tact notwithstanding, he is the driving force behind a series of socially liberal and establishment-shaking rulings, turning Brazils highest court and him in particular into a newfound political power and the subject of popular fascination. The courts recent rulings include a unanimous decision upholding the University of Braslias admissions policies aimed at increasing the number of black and indigenous students, opening the way for one of the Western Hemispheres most sweeping affirmative action laws for higher education. In another move, Mr. Barbosa used his sway as chief justice and president of the panel overseeing Brazils judiciary to effectively legalize same-sex marriage across the country. And in an anticorruption crusade, he is overseeing the precedent-setting trial of senior political figures in the governing Workers Party for their roles in a vast vote-buying scheme. Ascending to Brazils high court, much less pushing the institution to assert its independence, long seemed out of reach for Mr. Barbosa, the eldest of eight children raised in Paracatu, an impoverished city in Minas Gerais State, where his father worked as a bricklayer. But his prominence not just on the court, but in the streets as well is so well established that masks with his face were sold for Carnival, amateur musicians have composed songs about his handling of the corruption trial and posted them on YouTube, and demonstrators during the huge street protests that shook the nation this year told pollsters that Mr. Barbosa was one of their top choices for president in next years elections. While the protests have subsided since their height in June, the political tumult they set off persists. The race for president, once considered a shoo-in for the incumbent, Dilma Rousseff, is now up in the air, with Mr. Barbosa who is now so much in the public eye that gossip columnists are following his romance with a woman in her 20s repeatedly saying he will not run. Im not a candidate for anything, he says. But the same public glare that has turned him into a celebrity has singed him as well. While he has won widespread admiration for his guidance of the high court, Mr. Barbosa, like almost every other prominent political figure in Brazil, has recently come under scrutiny. And for someone accustomed to criticizing the so-called supersalaries awarded to some members of Brazils legal system, the revelations have put Mr. Barbosa on the defensive. One report in the Brazilian news media described how he received about $180,000 in payments for untaken leaves of absence during his 19 years as a public prosecutor. (Such payments are common in some areas of Brazils large public bureaucracy.) Another noted that he bought an apartment in Miami through a limited liability company, suggesting an effort to pay less taxes on the property. In statements, Mr. Barbosa contends that he has done nothing wrong. In a country where a majority of people now define themselves as black or of mixed race but where blacks remain remarkably rare in the highest echelons of political institutions and corporations Mr. Barbosas trajectory and abrupt manner have elicited both widespread admiration and a fair amount of resistance. As a teenager, Mr. Barbosa moved to the capital, Braslia, finding work as a janitor in a courtroom. Against the odds, he got into the University of Braslia, the only black student in its law program at the time. Wanting to see the world, he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, which promptly sent him to Helsinki, the Finnish capital on the shore of the Baltic Sea. Sensing that he would not advance much in the diplomatic service, which he has called one of the most discriminatory institutions of Brazil, Mr. Barbosa opted for a career as a prosecutor. He alternated between legal investigations in Brazil and studies abroad, gaining fluency in English, French and German, and earning a doctorate in law at Pantheon-Assas University in Paris. Fascinated by the legal systems of other countries, Mr. Barbosa wrote a book on affirmative action in the United States. He still voices his admiration for figures like Thurgood Marshall, the first black Supreme Court justice in the United States, and William J. Brennan Jr., who for years embodied the courts liberal vision, clearly drawing inspiration from them as he pushed Brazils high court toward socially liberal rulings. Still, no decision has thrust Mr. Barbosa into Brazils public imagination as much as his handling of the trial of political operatives, legislators and bankers found guilty in a labyrinthine corruption scandal called the mensalo, or big monthly allowance, after the regular payments made to lawmakers in exchange for their votes. Last November, at Mr. Barbosas urging, the high court sentenced some of the most powerful figures in the governing Workers Party to years in prison for their crimes in the scheme, including bribery and unlawful conspiracy, jolting a political system in which impunity for politicians has been the norm. Now the mensalo trial is entering what could be its final phases, and Mr. Barbosa has at times been visibly exasperated that defendants who have already been found guilty and sentenced have managed to avoid hard jail time. He has clashed with other justices over their consideration of a rare legal procedure in which appeals over close votes at the high court are examined. Losing his patience with one prominent justice, Ricardo Lewandowski, who tried to absolve some defendants of certain crimes, Mr. Barbosa publicly accused him this month of chicanery by using legalese to prop up certain positions. An outcry ensued among some who could not stomach Mr. Barbosas talking to a fellow justice like that. Who does Justice Joaquim Barbosa think he is? asked Ricardo Noblat, a columnist for the newspaperO Globo, questioning whether Mr. Barbosa was qualified to preside over the court. What powers does he think he has just because hes sitting in the chair of the chief justice of the Supreme Federal Tribunal? Mr. Barbosa did not apologize. In the interview, he said some tension was necessary for the court to function properly. It was always like this, he said,contendingthat arguments are now just easier to see because the courtsproceedingsare televised. Linking the courts work to the recent wave of protests, he explained that he strongly disagreed with the violence of some demonstrators, but he also said he believed that the street movements were a sign of democracys exuberance. People dont want to passively stand by and observe these arrangements of the elite, which were always the Brazilian tradition, he said. In the sentence Wanting to see the world,he later won admission into Brazils diplomatic service, the underlined phrase can be correctly rewritten as

(UECE - 2012) In the sentence John said, I broke my foot during a tennis match., the reported/indirect speech of the sentence is: John said that he______________ his foot during a tennis match.

(Uece 2010) Apart from being about murder, suicide, torture, fear and madness, horror stories are also concerned with ghosts, vampires, succubi, incubi, poltergeists, demonic pacts, diabolic possession and exorcism, witchcraft, spiritualism, voodoo, lycanthropy and the macabre, plus such occult or quasi occult practices as telekinesis and hylomancy. Some horror stories are serio-comic or comic- grotesque, but none the less alarming or frightening for that. From late in the 18th c. until the present day in short, for some two hundred years the horror story (which is perhaps a mode rather than an identifiable genre) in its many and various forms has been a diachronic feature of British and American literature and is of considerable importance in literary history, especially in the evolution of the short story. It is also important because of its connections with the Gothic novel and with a multitude of fiction associated with tales of mystery, suspense, terror and the supernatural, with the ghost story and the thriller and with numerous stories in the 19th and 20th c. in which crime is a central theme. The horror story is part of a long process by which people have tried to come to terms with and find adequate descriptions and symbols for deeply rooted, primitive and powerful forces, energies and fears which are related to death, afterlife, punishment, darkness, evil, violence and destruction. Writers have long been aware of the magnetic attraction of the horrific and have seen how to exploit or appeal to particular inclinations and appetites. It was the poets and artists of the late medieval period who figured out and expressed some of the innermost fears and some of the ultimate horrors (real and imaginary) of human consciousness. Fear created horrors enough and the eschatological order was never far from peoples minds. Poets dwelt on and amplified the ubi sunt motif and artists depicted the spectre of death in paint, through sculpture and by means of woodcut. The most potent and 1frightening image of all was that of hell: the abode of eternal loss, pain and damnation. There were numerous visions of hell in literature. Gradually, imperceptibly, during the 16th c. hell was moved from its traditional site in the center of the earth. It came to be located in the mind; it was a part of a state of consciousness. This was the 2beginning of the growth of the idea of a subjective, inner hell, a psychological hell; a personal and individual source of horror and terror, such as the chaos of a disturbed and tormented mind, the pandaemonium of psychopathic conditions, rather than the abode of lux atra and 3everlasting pain with its definite location in a measurable cosmological system. The horror stories of the late 16th and early 17th c. (like the ghost stories) are provided for us by the playwrights. The Elizabethan and Jacobean tragedians were deeply interested in evil, crime, murder, suicide and violence. They were also very interested in states of extreme 5suffering: pain, fear and madness. They found new modes, new metaphors and images, for presenting the horrific and in doing so they created simulacra of hell. One might cite perhaps a thousand or more instances from plays in the period c. 1580 to c. 1642 in which hell is an all- purpose, variable and diachronic image of horror whether as a place of punishment or as a state of mind and spirit. Horrific action on stage was commonplace in the tragedy and revenge tragedy of the period. The satiety which Macbeth claimed to have experienced when he said: I have suppd full of horrors;/ Direness, familiar to my slaughterous thoughts, /Cannot once start me was representative of it. During the 18th c. (as during the 19th ), in orthodox doctrine taught by various churches and sects, hell remained a place of eternal fire and punishment and the abode of the Devil. For the most part writers of the Romantic period and thereafter did not re-create it as a visitable place. However, artists were drawn to illustrate earlier conceptions of hell. William Blake did 102 engravings for Dantes Inferno. John Martin illustrated Paradise Lost and Gustave Doré applied himself to Dante and Milton. The actual hells of the 18th and 19th c. were the gaols, the madhouses, the slums and bedlams and those lanes and alleys where vice, squalor, depravity and unspeakable misery created a social and moral chaos: terrestrial counterparts to the horrors of Dantes Circles. Gothic influence traveled to America and affected writers such as Edgar Allan Poe, whose tales are short, intense, sensational and have the power to inspire horror and terror. He depicts extremes of fear and insanity and, through the operations of evil, gives us glimpses of hell. Poes long-term influence was immeasurable (and in the case of some writers not altogether for their good), and one can detect it persisting through the 19th c.; in, for example the French symbolistes (Baudelaire published translations of his tales in 1856 and 1857), in such British writers as Rossetti, Swinburne, Dowson and R. L. Stevenson, and in such Americans as Ambrose Bierce, Hart Crane and H.P. Lovecraft. Towards the end of the 19th c. a number of British and American writers were 4experimenting with different modes of horror story, and this was at a time when there had been a steadily growing interest in the occult, in supernatural agencies, in psychic phenomena, in psychotherapy, in extreme psychological states and also in spiritualism. The enormous increase in science fiction since the 1950s has diversified horror fiction even more than might at first be supposed. New maps of hell have been drawn and are being drawn; new dimensions of the horrific exposed and explored; new simulacra and exempla created. Fear, pain, suffering, guilt and madness (what has already been touched on in miscellaneous hells) remain powerful and emotive elements in horror stories. In a chaotic world, which many see to be on a disaster course, through the cracks, the faults in reality, we and our writers catch other vertiginous glimpses of chaos and old night, fissiparating images of death and destruction. From: CUDDON, J. A. The Penguin Dictionary of Literary Terms and Literary Theory. London: Penguin, 1999. If the author knew then what he knows now, he

(UECE -2009) TEXT European drama has a less continuous history than epic and poetry; it has sometimes flourished and sometimes declined. The first surviving drama was in Greek, performed in Athens in the 5c BC: the work of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides (tragedy) and of Aristophanes (comedy). The main Latin contribution was the comedy of Terence and Plautus in the 2c BC. The later Roman Republic and the Empire produced no significant drama; Seneca (c.4 BC-AD 65) wrote tragedies based on the Greek model which were intended for reading to a select audience and not for the public stage. The later Roman theatre became increasingly devoted to elaborate and often decadent spectacle. The Christians opposed it and in the 6c the barbarian invasions brought it to an end. The revival of the theatre began in the 11c with the introduction of brief dramatized episodes into the Mass on the occasion of major festivals. These gradually developed into complete plays, performed in public places by the trade guilds and known as mystery plays or mysteries. These were succeeded in the 15c by morality plays, allegorical presentations of human virtues and vices in conflict. The high point of drama in English came in the late 16c and early 17c, with such writers as Shakespeare (especially with his tragedies), Marlowe, Jonson, and Webster. In the later 17c, the Restoration theatre was mainly devoted to the witty and often scurrilous comedy of manners and intrigue. The French classical theatre had its great period at the same time, with the tragedies of Corneille and Racine, and the comedies of Moliere. A long decline in Britain, briefly broken by the 18c comedies of the Anglo- Irish playwrights Oliver Goldsmith and Richard Sheridan, ended in a revival at the end of the 19c by the Irish dramatists Oscar Wilde and George Bernard Shaw. Prominent playwrights of the 20c include such experimenters in the theatre of the absurd as Harold Pinter and Samuel Beckett. The latter belongs as much to the French theatre, which has produced plays of challenge and 1QUESTIONING by Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean Giraudoux, and Eugene Ionesco. Dramatists in the 20c US have looked at the predicament of modern humanity in a complex, pluralistic society, notably Eugene ONeill, Tennessee Williams, and Arthur Miller. Some of the foremost modern plays are those of Henrik Ibsen in Norway, August Strindberg in Sweden, and Ivan Turgenev and Anton Chechov in Russia. Dramatists are affected, like all writers, by the presuppositions and fashions of their time and place. Medieval drama derives from the 2PREVAILING popular Catholic Christianity, Elizabethan and Jacobean drama reflects contemporary views of status, honour, and revenge, Victorian drama displays the manners and attitudes of the new middle class. Conventions also affect the structure of plays. In the 16c and 17c, European drama was often obedient to the demand for the three unities, adding the unity of place to the unities of time and action attributed to Aristotle. Dramatists in English usually disregarded these restraints, supported the main plot with a subplot, and ranged widely through time and space. The practice of reading a play instead of seeing it produced is comparatively late; the majority of early plays were not printed, and the texts which appeared were often careless and poorly produced. When Jonson had his collected plays carefully printed as his Works (1616), he aroused some ridicule but helped establish the play as a literary text, probably 3INFLUENCING the publication of Shakespeares plays in the First Folio (1623). The printed play became in its own right a branch of literature, with the result that theatrical and textual scholarship has been applied to the work of early dramatists. As time passed, playwrights gave more consideration to the reader. Stage directions evolved from laconic indications of entrances and exits to detailed descriptions of scenes and actions, including sketches of the appearance and nature of the characters. The effect is sometimes of an excerpt from a novel in the present tense. Dramatists in general have become more self-explanatory and less inclined to entrust their work solely to the reactions of a live audience. Although great variety in dramatic structure is possible, most plays have a connected plot that develops through conflict to a climax followed by resolution. Even when the story is known to the audience, the dramatist creates a mood of tension and suspense by the responses of characters to the changing situation. The factors apply to both tragedy and comedy. The suspense can be terrifying or mirthful and the resolution one of sadness or relief. Because the play is witnessed in short and continuous time, the dramatist needs to be economical, 4TELESCOPING events that in reality would develop over a longer period and 5INTRODUCING meetings and juxtapositions that might seem remarkable outside the theatre. Divisions into acts and scenes may mark the passage of time and emphasize major developments. A play requires continuous action, not necessarily vigorous, but moving into new situations and relationships. Long set speeches and philosophical discourses are seldom effective. In spite of the fact that some types of drama, such as ritual performances and representations of myth, deliberately avoid a human focus, characterization is the device in most dramas. Characters may be depicted as great people, leaders of the community and powerful in its destiny, or, as is often the case in modern drama, as ordinary persons. They must be quickly presented to the audience and become familiar in a short time. They are created through the words they speak, their actions in the play, and what other characters report of them. Leading characters are supported by minor roles, and the quality of a dramatist is shown partly by skill in making such roles credible and individual. Early drama was written in verse, ranging from the poetry of ancient Greek tragedy and Shakespeare to the colloquial rhythms of the medieval mysteries. The type of verse changes from one period to another. Blank verse was dominant in 16c and early 17c English drama, the heroic couplet in Restoration tragedy, and the alexandrine in French classical drama. Prose dialogue was also used by Shakespeare and his contemporaries, and by the end of the 17c was the normal medium for English drama. In the 20c, there was a revival of verse drama. It was short-lived, however, partly through the decline of popular interest in poetry and partly through the failure of the dramatists to develop an idiom that could be sustained without 6BECOMING artificial and forced. Modern prose dialogue has tended to become more colloquial and naturalistic, in contrast to the stylized diction of early 19c prose drama. In the 20c, some writers have given close attention to specific dialects and registers: Synge listened to Irish peasant speech and Clifford Odets to conversation in New York bars. However, dramatic dialogue can never simply reproduce normal speech. The repetitions, hesitations, and redundancies of normal conversation would be intolerable on the stage. From: McArthur, Tom (ed.). The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1998. The verbs in: Dramatists in English usually DISREGARDED these restraints, SUPPORTED the main plot with a subplot, and RANGED widely through time and space..., in the simple present tense would be:

(Uece 2008) TEXT It is impossible to define the now primary sense of literature precisely or to set rigid limits on its use. Literary treatment of a subject requires creative use of the imagination: something is constructed which is related to real experience, but is not of the same order. What has been created in language is known only through language, and the text does not give access to a reality other than itself. As a consequence, the texts that make up English literature are a part and a product of the English language and cannot be separated from it. Among the various ways of defining literature are to see it as an imitation of life, through assessing its effect on a reader, and by 1ANALYZING its form. The imitation of life. Since at least the 4th century BC, when Aristotle described poetry as mimesis (imitation), literature has been widely regarded as an imitation of life. The mimetic theory was dominant for centuries, only falling into disfavor in the late 18th century with the rise of Romanticism, which took poetry to be essentially an expression of personal feeling. In the 20th century, however, the idea of mimesis was revived. Effect on the reader. 2READING literature is widely believed to develop 3UNDERSTANDING and 4FEELING, by complementing the primary experiences of life with a range of secondary encounters. Although the experience of literature is not the same as real experience, it can have an influence that extends beyond the period of 5READING. The response is inward and does not necessarily lead to physical movement or social action, although texts written as scripture or propaganda may have such results. In the 5-4th centuries BC, Plato acknowledged the power of poetry, but distrusted its rhetorical effect and mythic quality. In the Phaedrus, he attacked the cultivation of persuasion rather than the investigation of truth and in the Republic argued that, in an ideal state, poets would have no educational role. Aristotle, however, thought that the catharsis or purgation experienced in witnessing a tragic drama was beneficial. Generally, like Aristotle, critics have attached importance to the ethical purpose of literature and the morally 6UPLIFTING value of the best literature. Analyzing form. A reader is unlikely to respond with interest to the discovery that a textbook is written in continuous prose, with paragraphs and chapters. This is simply the accepted mode of referential writing. However, confrontation with a sonnet or the structure of a novel raises questions about the authors choice of form, a choice often related to contemporary fashion as well as individual intention. The literary writer imposes on language a more careful ordering than the choice of words and syntax that accompanies general communication. Traditionally, literary texts have been easy to identify: an ode or a play is literary, but a menu or a telephone directory is not. There is, however, an indeterminate area of essays, biographies, memoirs, history, philosophy, travel books, and other texts which may or may not be deemed literary. [...] Many texts appear therefore to have literary aspects combined with other qualities and purposes, and ultimately individual or consensual choice must decide which has priority. The word literature tends to be used with approval of works perceived as having artistic merit, the evaluation of which may depend on social and linguistic as well as aesthetic factors. If the criteria of quality become exacting, a canon may emerge, limited in its inclusions and exclusions, and the members of a society or group may be required (with various degrees of pressure and success) to accept that canon and no other. Literature is an exceptional area of language use, which many people have regarded as the highest service to which language can be put and the surest touchstone of good usage. Its creation is dependent on the resources available to the author in any period, but those resources may be enriched and increased by a literary tradition in which quotations from and allusions to the classics abound and many words have literary nuances. In the 20th century, much attention has been given to the language of literature and the question of whether there is in fact distinctively literary language. Many features thought of as literary appear in common usage. Meter and formal rhythm derive from everyday speech, words often rhyme without conscious contrivance, multiple meaning and word associations are part of daily communication, and tropes and figures of speech are used in ordinary language. However, literary language shows a greater concentration of such features, deliberately arranged and controlled. Literary language makes us pause to consider, reread, and assess in a way that would destroy the flow of other modes of communication. (From: McARTHUR, Tom (ed.). The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.) The sentence: Since at least the 4th century BC, when Aristotle described poetry as mimesis (imitation), literature has been widely regarded as an imitation of life contains a /an:

(Uece 2008) TEXT             It is impossible to define the now primary sense of literature precisely or to set rigid limits on its use. Literary treatment of a subject requires creative use of the imagination: something is constructed which is related to "real" experience, but is not of the same order. What has been created in language is known only through language, and the text does not give access to a reality other than itself. As a consequence, the texts that make up English literature are a part and a product of the English language and cannot be separated from it. Among the various ways of defining literature are to see it as an imitation of life, through assessing its effect on a reader, and by 1ANALYZING its form.             The imitation of life. Since at least the 4th century BC, when Aristotle described poetry as mimesis (imitation), literature has been widely regarded as an imitation of life. The mimetic theory was dominant for centuries, only falling into disfavor in the late 18th century with the rise of Romanticism, which took poetry to be essentially an expression of personal feeling. In the 20th century, however, the idea of mimesis was revived.             Effect on the reader. 2READING literature is widely believed to develop 3UNDERSTANDING and 4FEELING, by complementing the primary experiences of life with a range of secondary encounters. Although the experience of literature is not the same as 'real' experience, it can have an influence that extends beyond the period of 5READING. The response is inward and does not necessarily lead to physical movement or social action, although texts written as scripture or propaganda may have such results. In the 5-4th centuries BC, Plato acknowledged the power of poetry, but distrusted its rhetorical effect and mythic quality. In the Phaedrus, he attacked the cultivation of persuasion rather than the investigation of truth and in the Republic argued that, in an ideal state, poets would have no educational role. Aristotle, however, thought that the catharsis or purgation experienced in witnessing a tragic drama was beneficial. Generally, like Aristotle, critics have attached importance to the ethical purpose of literature and the morally 6UPLIFTING value of 'the best' literature.             Analyzing form. A reader is unlikely to respond with interest to the discovery that a textbook is written in continuous prose, with paragraphs and chapters. This is simply the accepted mode of referential writing. However, confrontation with a sonnet or the structure of a novel raises questions about the author's choice of form, a choice often related to contemporary fashion as well as individual intention. The literary writer imposes on language a more careful ordering than the choice of words and syntax that accompanies general communication.             Traditionally, literary texts have been easy to identify: an ode or a play is 'literary', but a menu or a telephone directory is not. There is, however, an indeterminate area of essays, biographies, memoirs, history, philosophy, travel books, and other texts which may or may not be deemed literary. [...] Many texts appear therefore to have literary aspects combined with other qualities and purposes, and ultimately individual or consensual choice must decide which has priority. The word literature tends to be used with approval of works perceived as having artistic merit, the evaluation of which may depend on social and linguistic as well as aesthetic factors. If the criteria of quality become exacting, a canon may emerge, limited in its inclusions and exclusions, and the members of a society or group may be required (with various degrees of pressure and success) to accept that canon and no other.             Literature is an exceptional area of language use, which many people have regarded as the highest service to which language can be put and the surest touchstone of good usage. Its creation is dependent on the resources available to the author in any period, but those resources may be enriched and increased by a literary tradition in which quotations from and allusions to 'the classics' abound and many words have literary nuances. In the 20th century, much attention has been given to the language of literature and the question of whether there is in fact distinctively literary language. Many features thought of as literary appear in common usage. Meter and formal rhythm derive from everyday speech, words often rhyme without conscious contrivance, multiple meaning and word associations are part of daily communication, and tropes and figures of speech are used in ordinary language. However, literary language shows a greater concentration of such features, deliberately arranged and controlled. Literary language makes us pause to consider, reread, and assess in a way that would destroy the flow of other modes of communication. (From: McARTHUR, Tom (ed.). The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.) In the sentence "IF THE CRITERIA OF QUALITY BECOME EXACTING, a canon may emerge ..." the part in capital letters is a/an:

(Uece 2007) The family worried about his